As President Bola Tinubu marks the midpoint of his tenure, it is a fitting moment to critically assess the performance of his cabinet.
Having assumed office on May 29, 2023, Tinubu’s administration now faces its first major reckoning.
The Central Results Delivery and Coordination Unit, established in June 2023 and headed by Hadiza Bala-Usman, is tasked with officially evaluating ministerial performance. However, for most Nigerians, the real measure of success is not found in official reports but in the grim reality they endure daily.
Tinubu’s cabinet is one of the largest in Nigeria’s history, comprising 48 substantive ministers and a host of senior special advisers. This expansion has made the government unwieldy. Notably, the creation of the Ministry of Livestock Development, despite the existence of the Ministry of Agriculture, is widely viewed as redundant and unnecessary.
Several ministries, including Petroleum and the Federal Capital Territory, have been split for apparent political reasons. In a time of mounting national debt and a rapidly depreciating currency, such decisions reflect poor economic judgment.
Tinubu’s most consequential decision as Minister of Petroleum was the abrupt removal of the fuel subsidy on his Inauguration Day. This move triggered a dramatic rise in the price of petrol, from N185 per litre to over N1,000, even if it eliminated long-standing petrol queues.
The ripple effects have been severe. Transportation fares, food prices, and the cost of goods and services have soared, inflicting hardship on millions. While supply bottlenecks have eased, prices remain stubbornly high because fuel imports continue as local refiners struggle to meet demand.
Tinubu, like many of his predecessors (except Goodluck Jonathan), has retained the petroleum portfolio. His performance has been, at best, mixed, and it is time to let go.
The power sector under Adebayo Adelabu must be one of the administration’s worst performers. In 2024 alone, the national grid collapsed 12 times, causing widespread disruption. Despite ongoing reforms, Nigeria’s electricity generation stagnates at around 5,000 megawatts, a fraction of what is needed for a country of its size.
By comparison, South Africa and Egypt each generate 58,000 MW, while Algeria produces 24,000 MW. The introduction of new power consumption “bands” has merely increased costs for consumers without delivering a reliable supply.
The consequences are that universities and tertiary hospitals have been disconnected from the grid due to unpaid, exorbitant electricity bills.
The University College Hospital, Nigeria’s leading tertiary health institution, was disconnected from the grid for 100 days. Even Aso Rock, the seat of federal power, cannot afford the huge electricity bills, prompting the government to allocate N10 billion for a solar power project.
According to the World Bank, some 85 million Nigerians lack access to electricity, a situation that stifles economic growth, hampers digital learning, and limits business innovation.
Wale Edun, the Minister of Finance, oversees an economy where the naira fluctuates between N1,500 and N1,600 to the US dollar. Official claims of currency stability ring hollow for most Nigerians.
The new minimum wage of N70,000, which many states have yet to implement, is woefully inadequate. For context, Egypt’s monthly minimum wage is E£7,000 (about N209,000), and South Africa’s is R4,737.11 (over N393,000), which is five times higher than Nigeria’s minimum wage.
With inflation projected at 26.5 per cent this year, the economic outlook for ordinary Nigerians is grim.
The National Bureau of Statistics estimates that 133 million Nigerians, about 63 per cent of the population, live in multidimensional poverty. The World Bank predicts a further 3.6 per cent rise in poverty by 2027, fuelled in part by the collapse of local companies and the exit of multinationals.
Since 2020, this trend has accelerated, with firms like Kimberly-Clark, Pick n Pay, Diageo, Holcim, and Equinor withdrawing from Nigeria due to an unfavourable business environment.
The Nigerian Employers’ Consultative Association estimates that the departure of 15 multinationals over five years has cost the country 20,000 jobs.
Unreliable power supply and high energy costs are major factors driving these exits. Compounding the problem is the “japa” syndrome, as many leave Nigeria in search of better opportunities abroad, draining sectors like health and banking of skilled professionals.
The Ministry of Health, led by Ali Pate, has struggled to make significant progress.
With 2.1 million unvaccinated children, Nigeria lags far behind Ghana and Egypt in universal childhood immunisation coverage.
Vaccine-preventable diseases such as tuberculosis, polio, diphtheria, hepatitis B, measles, and yellow fever continue to pose major public health challenges. Primary healthcare remains poorly managed in urban areas and is virtually absent in rural communities.
The exodus of medical professionals has further crippled the sector. The WHO recommends a doctor-to-patient ratio of 1:600, but in some Nigerian states, the ratio is as high as 1:10,000. Despite some efforts, tangible improvements remain elusive.
Despite vast potential, the ministries of Agriculture (Abubakar Kyari) and Marine and Blue Economy (Adegboyega Oyetola) have delivered little progress. Nigeria spends $10 billion annually on food imports, reflecting the failure to modernise agricultural production and develop robust value chains.
The newly created Livestock Ministry, carved out from Agriculture and led by Idi Maiha, has yet to make its mark. Animal husbandry is still dominated by outdated practices, particularly open cattle herding.
According to the FAO, Nigeria ranks fourth in beef production in Africa, behind Ivory Coast, Ethiopia, and Mali, a consequence of persistent conflicts between herders and farmers and the absence of modern ranching practices.
The education sector, under Tunji Alausa, is in deep crisis. The recent Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination fiasco has only compounded existing problems. Nigerian universities perform poorly in global rankings, lecturers are underpaid, and the overall quality of education is declining.
These challenges undermine the country’s prospects for innovation and economic growth.
There have been notable improvements in the Ministry of Interior, led by Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo. Passport processing has become more efficient, and immigration officials are now more courteous. However, correctional centres remain plagued by hunger, overcrowding, and inadequate healthcare.
In the aviation sector, Festus Keyamo has proposed rebuilding the old Murtala Muhammed International Airport terminal, but the sector still requires major upgrades and a cultural shift among staff to eliminate the persistent issue of begging at airports.
Dave Umahi is a hands-on head at the Ministry of Works. Yet, it is simplistic to assume that he will make a dent in Nigeria’s colossal infrastructure deficit, standing at 30 per cent of GDP.
Despite a substantial allocation of N6.11 trillion in the 2025 budget, the Ministry of Defence, headed by Mohammed Badaru and Bello Matawalle, has failed to contain escalating security threats.
New terror groups have emerged in Sokoto, Kwara, and Niger states, while longstanding threats from Boko Haram, ISWAP, Ansaru, bandits, and Fulani herdsmen persist.
These groups continue to attack military formations and devastate communities, particularly in Plateau and Benue states. Official assurances that terrorists are no match for the military fall flat in the face of ongoing violence.
We’re suffering not because Nigeria lacks resources; the country is wealthy and rich in every sense, but because we are not applying science, education, or strategic planning.
Odunayo Alade, father of Kehinde Alade, the WASSCE candidate who was killed by a stray bullet at Gbagi Market Road, Ibadan, in the Egbeda Local Government Area of Oyo State on Tuesday, said that he didn’t stop for law enforcement agents because his son was running late for his examination.
The first two years of Tinubu’s administration have been marked by significant challenges and, in many areas, disappointing results.
However, the remaining two years offer an opportunity for remedial action. Tinubu and his ministers should resist the temptation to focus on a 2027 re-election bid.
Course correction will require fiscal tightening, a leaner, more focused cabinet, curbing waste, addressing corruption, further economic reforms towards diversification, and a renewed commitment to addressing the daily hardships faced by ordinary Nigerians.
The Punch
