Book Review
Title: Footprints Of A Selfless Servant: The Autobiography of Comrade Oyekan Arije
Publishers: Alabi-Eyo & Co Ltd.
Date of first publication: 2018.
Number of Pages: 435
Price: Not stated
Author: Oyekan Arije
Reviewer: Femi Aborisade, Esq.
Date: 13th December 2018
Introduction
I am deeply grateful to Comrade Oyekan Arije and the Book Launch Planning Committee for the opportunity given me to undertake the review of the autobiography of this courageous, inspiring and outstanding rare gift to humanity, Comrade (Pa) Oyekan Arije at his 80th birthday.
My encounter with the author and why I accepted to undertake the book review
About 36 years ago, I had the rare privilege of working with Comrade Arije in 1982/83 when I was deployed to Ondo State for my National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) obligation.
Along with at least one other friend, the NYSC authorities originally posted me to a Bank. I turned down the posting to a bank in spite of the certainty of additional income I would have earned and the possibility of being retained in the banking sector after
the service year as it indeed happened to my friend who happily accepted the posting. I was given an opportunity to look for an employer who was ready to accept me.
I looked for the address of the Nigeria Labour Congress, Ondo State Council. It was then at Oba Adesida Road, at the then Stadium Junction.
Comrade Arije was then the Chairman of the Ondo State Council of the NLC. He did not hesitate to accept me on conditions that Congress was neither in a position to pay additional allowance nor provide accommodation. My joy knew no bounds. All I wanted was having an opportunity to serve the working class, make my inputs in raising consciousness and organizing towards actualization of a socialist Nigeria within the framework of the world’s socialist revolution.
Actualizing the Nigerian socialist revolution was then my only life dream and pre-occupation. I was not bothered about accommodation because my elder brother, Prof Bayo Aborisade was a pioneer lecturer in the Federal University of Technology, Akure. At that time, it was government policy to lodge staff in the hotel if accommodation could not be provided immediately. My elder brother was kind enough to accommodate me in his hotel room. We were sharing the same bed. I moved with my elder brother to his official quarters which the University later provided.
Comrade Arije accepted me fully. He did not for once hinder my revolutionary activities, which consisted in production and free distribution of a monthly cyclostyled magazine called “Progress” to workers and holding political education classes with rank and file workers in various offices and at the NLC office. My closest collaborator then was Wale Ajao, a veteran journalist, now a communication consultant.
I was pleasantly surprised at the disposition of Comrade Arije. The general tendency was for top union leaders, particularly pro-government or pro-employer top union leaders, not only to distant themselves from revolutionary activists like me but to also prevent a young graduate like me, dotting a red cap symbolizing revolution, having independent and direct access to the rank and file workers. Pro-government or pro-employer union leaders tend to avoid anything that may make attract government or employer hostility on ideological lines.
Comrade Arije, in all his active days as a trade unionist was neither pro-government nor pro-employer. He stood and still stands uncompromisingly and unapologetically on the side of the working class and the marginalized poor.
At the end of my service period in 1983, it was his recommendation letter that the NLC Headquarters in Lagos accepted to allow me attend a job interview in the meantime pending the production of my certificates, including the NYSC discharge certificate.
My training as a unionist, my conviction in the capacity of the Nigerian working class to bring about a socialist Nigeria and my hope in a better future for the downtrodden in Nigeria and internationally were all strengthened in the good luck I had in meeting Comrade Oyekan Arije. He did not diminish me. He enriched me and strengthened my convictions that good people who are interested in the collective welfare of the masses exist and abound in Nigeria.
That was why I accepted to undertake a review of his book, even at a very short notice, and at the risk of sacrificing the preparation of certain Final Written Addresses I ought to have filed and adopted in court today, 13th December 2013. I resolved that being present today to make this presentation would be more valuable than tons of tributes I may write whenever it is his turn to breathe his last (if he goes before me) as nobody can live forever.
The Structure of the Book
The 435-page book is structured into 21 Chapters with a comprehensive table of contents, dedication, preface, acknowledgment, foreword, annexures and addenda.
Dedication
I am particularly touched by the ‘Dedication’ to the book. It is a celebration of womanhood in a way I have never come across before. After stating that the book is dedicated to his parents (Chief Joshua Mabonogho Omagbemi Arije and Madam Victoria Tedonjaiye Arije) for being the vehicle through which he came to life, he said the book is equally dedicated to his wife in the following emotive words, full of profound and genuine gratitude:
“…my jewel, a most virtuous, loving, dutiful and trusted woman, the replacement for my mother, a woman who the Lord chose for me as my life long help mate, who has assisted me and nursed me and the children since 1968, a woman who willingly extends a helping hand and opens her arms to the needy – Christianah Mojisola Arije.”
Therefore, the event today is not just a celebration of Comrade Oyekan Arije. It is also a celebration of his Nurse and better half – Mama Christianah Mojisola Arije.
I bear testimony to the virtues of this woman. She also willingly and enthusiastically fed and nursed me when I was a Youth Corper with the NLC in 1982/83.
Preface
The Preface to the book, written by the author himself, helps the reader to understand the structure of the book and the focus of each chapter and range of chapters.
Foreword
The ‘Foreword’ to the book cannot be ignored. It is written by Mr. Ajose Kudehinbu, a former Head of the Civil Service in Ondo State. To me, the ‘Foreword’ explains why the autobiography of Comrade Arije should be read by conscious segments of the society.
Mr. Ajose explains that based on his track record as a defender of public interest, the author and celebrant of today has perhaps never been addressed as a “Mister”. He is either addressed as a ‘Comrade’ or activist ‘Pastor’. I agree absolutely with Mr. Ajose when he said of Comrade Arije that being a ‘selfess labour leader …is in the public domain’ and that in his active days as a trade union leader, he ‘enjoyed fanatical support’ in the labour movement in Ondo State and nationally. That Comrade Arije “was never known to leave his followers, the workers, in the lurch.”
A book by this kind of enigmatic personality deserves attention by all. He definitely has a message.
Chapterisation
Chapter 1, on pages 1-2, is entitled ‘ANCESTRY’. As the title suggests, this Chapter deals with the roots and origin of the ancestral home and place of birth of Comrade Oyekan Arije. He was born in Mahin, which is the capital of Mahin Kingdom in Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo state. it is about 28 kilometres from Igbokodda, the headquarters of Ilaje Local Government. The Chapter explains that the origin of Mahin is traceable to the Ora legend.
Apart from tracing the Ora legend, the Chapter also seeks to attribute the economic disadvantage suffered by the people of Mahin to the early contact by the Portuguese bourgeoisie. According to the Chapter,
“Mahin was famous for the production of salt, which attracted traders from Benin, Owo, Akure, Oba, Idanre, Ondo, etc, to Mahin to purchase salt. The contact between Mahin and the Portuguese in the 15th century later became a disadvantage for the salt industry of Mahin. The Portuguese dissuaded the patrons of Mahin salt from purchasing Mahin salt to promote the salt brought in by the Portuguese from their country.”
Chapter 2 is entitled ‘Early Years’. It is to be found on pages 3-10. The chapter discusses the challenges that confronted his father and mother on account of ‘long years of infertility’ until close to twenty years of marriage when his mother had a breakthrough and gave birth to a set of twins. But it was not good news to give birth to twins at the time. It was a taboo and an abomination. Like other twins before them, they were put in pots and deposited in the forest.
On the long run, the mother gave birth to six other children and Oyekan was the 2nd to the last, as follows: Ekundayo, Ayoola, Keturah, adebowale, Oyekan and Janet. The father had another wife who gave birth to Adedeji Arije, following the birth of Keturah.
This Chapter reveals that after Oyekan’s primary school education, he left for Ibadan, with the consent of his father, to take up an appointment as a bakery clerk in Easy Life Bakery, Oke Padre, Ibadan. He later learnt the art of baking in the same bakery. His father sent the elder brother, Adedeji, to Ibadan to persuade Oyekan to return to sit for an entrance examination to the Grammar school in 1956. Oyekan refused to return until his father went to Ibadan in his search, even though the father did not know where precisely the son was working or living. By some luck, Oyekan was located and taken back to commence his secondary school education.
After writing the West African School Certificate Examination, the young Oyekan got offers of employment in the Ministry of Agriculture and the Ministry of Health as a Clerical Officer. Oyekan chose to accept the offer of employment from the Ministry of Health and he was posted to Iwo General Hospital, assuming duty on May Day, 1964, as the Hospital Almoner (Revenue Collector) whilst engaging in fishing in his free time to earn additional income.
Oyekan was later posted to the Accounts Division of the Ministry of Health in Ibadan in November 1967; Ijebu-Ode in December 1968; the State Specialist Hospital, Oshogbo between 1970 and 1975; Akure by mid March/April 1, 1976 to the Ministry of Trade, Industries and Cooperatives as the Internal Auditor.
Chapter 3, on pages 11-14, is entitled “Raising a family”. As the title suggests, the chapter recalls the courtship period between 1965 and 1967 between the young Oyekan and Christianah Mojisola (nee Ayeni). The traditional customary marriage was performed on 28th September 1968. For the avoidanc of any doubt, as Comrade Arije puts it,
“Throughout the period of courtship, Moji guarded and preserved her femininity and did not give in to the overtures of her suitor to have a go at her. That was in spite of the regular visits we exchanged”.
The union is blessed with six children, namely, Babatunde, Olabisi, Ademola, Olayemi, Adebimpe and Osebiose.
In this Chapter, the author once again hints at the virtue of his wife by noting that by the time of his premature retirement in 1993, his wife continued to support: “Mojisola did not hold back her hand of giving”.
Chapter 4 is on pages 15-34. It is entitled ‘Adventure into trade union activism’. Indeed, to me, this chapter could be more appropriately titled ‘Echoes of freedom’.
In this chapter, the dedication of the author to rendering selfless service to various categories of workers is practically demonstrated. The guiding philosophy of the author, which informs the conscious activities analysed in the chapter appears to have been captured in the short statement that begins the chapter, as follows:
‘He who upholds and dedicates himself to righteous, diligent, virtuous and selfless services, speaks up for those who cannot speak for themselves, ensures justice for those who are perishing, speaks for the poor and helpless and sees that they get justice, the Lord shall honour him’.
Let us give just a few examples.
According to Arije, the first baptismal test in trade unionism he took and passed was ‘the case of twenty two daily paid sanitary labourers of the Health Office, Onireke, Ibadan, who were laid off by Dr. Adesina, the Senior Medical Officer of Health (SMOH) on the ground that the labourers were too old’. By ensuring that the sanitary labourers were referred to another Medical Officer for an independent assessment, the labouers were not only resinstated, their appontments were made permanent (pp. 17-18).
Also, by virtue of a policy paper he came across in Ibadan, Arije encouraged a group of watchmen in the Ministry of Trade, Industries and Cooperatives to request that they be paid overtime allowance for hours of work in excess of forty hours a week. The watchmen applied and their application was granted based on the favourable recommendation he made in his capacity as the Internal Auditor. Gradually, based on the promptings of Arije, before the end of 1977, watchmen in all Ministries and Departments in Ondo State were enjoying the payment of over time allowance.
Ondo State thus became the first state in Nigeria where overtime allowance was paid to watchmen. The report of this achievement presented at the National Executive Committee meeting of the Nigeria Civil Service Union held in Enugu in April 1978 influenced the union to fight for implementation of the policy in the entire Civil Service on a nationwide basis. (P.20).
Chapter 5 of the book is devoted to what the author calls ‘Some landmark negotiations’. These include the following:
- 1978 South Africa Relief Fund deductions. In 1978, the Ondo State government unilaterally unilaterally imposed on public sector workers, without prior consultation a deduction of between 20k and N1.00 towards the South Africa Relief Fund to support the struggles against the then apartheid regime. The Nigeria Civil Service Union under the leadership of Arije resisted the unilateral deduction on the principle of ‘no taxation without representation’ and to prevent the setting of a dangerous precedent that workers’ salaries could be deducted without their consent. After the circular was withdrawn, the union then authorized deduction of higher rates of between 30k and N2.00 to demonstrate workers support for the goal but opposition to the unilateral methodology.
- 1979 N1.00 street light and N2.00 water rate deduction. About a year after the imposition of the South Africa Relief Fund, the Ministry of Finance issued a circular directing the deduction of a sum of N2.00 as water rate and another sum of N1.00 for street light, which deductions were to be remitted to the State Water Corporation and National Electrical Power Authority, respectively, irrespective of whether or not water and street light were available where workers lived. The policy was effectively resisted under the leadership of Arije.
- 1992 Relief Package Negotiations. In 1992, the Ondo State Government refused to implement a Relief Package in which the highest paid career public officer was to earn less than N5,000 (five thousand Naira). The recalcitrant attitude of the Government forced the unions in the public sector, under the platform of the Public Service Negotiating Councils I, II & III to embark on series of strike actions.
In mobilizing workers’ support for the strike, the unions, under the leadership of Arije showed, with documentary evidence that a sum of N103m had been secretly lodged in unlicenced finance houses; that the governor collected arrears of N183,489.58; some Directors-General earned arrears that ranged between N110,110.17 and N128,993.23. That the arrears were paid in a lump sum from the “lean purse” of the State. That some allowances such as furniture, constituency and insurance allowances, for which some of the politicians were not even due, had been paid to them up to December, 1993 (pp. 58-60).
Indeed, that two years salary was paid to each legislator and political appointee as insurance allowance. The relevant question then was: “if the state finances could accommodate the legitimate and illegitimate arrears and payments of the political class, wherein lies the moral and economic justification to deny the career public servants of their comparatively paltry legitimate entitlement?” (p.60).
The unions went further to present their analysis that:
‘… as at May 1992, thirty five political appointees earned N4.2m i.e. 1.2% of the government total revenue and they constitute only .004% of the working population’ (p. 74).
The unions also argued that ‘over-bloated’ public service was not the act of ordinary workers and that constitution of boards of public agencies, contrary to the enabling law, is the key factor for over bloated public service. The unions used the compositions of the following boards to buttress the argument of unlawfully constituted Boards: the Pools betting and lotteries Board, the Post primary Schools Management Board and the Ondo State Hospitals Management Board.
One strength of Arije is the capacity to gather and analyse information. The overwhelming confidence trust he enjoyed among workers made them to trust him and to supply sensitive information as they were certain Arije would never betray workers.
- The 45% Interim Salary Increase
Pursuant to negotiations that started in June 1992, a set of agreements and recommendations were reached on 45% interim salary increase for public sector workers. The increase was effected through a Federal Circular Ref.No. CND.26/s.5/c/ Vol.IV/220 dated 28th September, 1992. However, as Arije’s book tells us, the States did not implement the new salary increase. According to Arije, pointing out a critical lesson of experience, the issue was not resolved until the expiration of the ultimatum on 16th day of December 1992 (p. 78). Indeed, the strike in Ondo state, thanks to the leadership of comrade Arije, was total, as the Secretary to the State Government, Prof. Agbi, is recorded to have lamented on page 91 of the book, as follows:
“There are some states where essential services are being carried out. In this state, the hospitals are desolate. There is no water. Right now any one who patronises the local restaurants may be inviting cholera, typhoid etc. It is hoped that when the 45% salary increase is implemented, it will not be spent on funerals occasioned by the effects of the strike action” (p. 91).
To us, the lamentation of Prof. Agbi is a tribute to the organizational skills of Comrade Arije in organizing strike actions.
Indeed, the strike over the 45% interim salary increase saw Comrade Arije correcting the legal luminary, chief Wole Olanipekun, SAN, the then Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice who had told the labour leaders at a meeting that senior staff members lack the right to embark on strike.
According to the author, Chief Olanipekun stated:
“In the law, the Senior Staff Association is categorised under Part B of the Trade Unions Act in the Third Schedule. I will just give you a few examples. We have National Association of Aircraft Pilots and Engineers; we have the Association of Senior Staff of Banks and Financial Institutions. I want to elaborate here. In the banking institution you will realize that when the junior staff go on strike, the senior officers don’t. That is why you can go to your bank and still have some skeletal transactions. It happens everywhere. It happens in every part of the world. As very responsible men and women of high integrity, it is necessary to transmit and translate the law into reality. As Senior Officers, it behoves you to ensure that essential services and transactions that are urgent are carried out so as not to allow the state to crumble or disintegrate” (p. 90).
Arije, the Senior Advocate of workers (SAW)
Comrade Arije would not allow the labour leaders to be intimidated. He insisted that senior staff association members are not precluded from striking, as follows, among other things, that:
“If the Attorney General feels strongly that we have no legal right to go on strike, let him challenge our action through legal processes.
You should not allow yourselves to be bamboozled by any legal jargons and manipulations. True, Chief Wole Olanipekun is a Senior Advocate of Nigeria. I am not a SAN, but I am Senior Advocate of Workers. I know our nation’s labour laws very well and can lecture some Senior Advocates of Nigeria on labour laws. The senior officers are not members of the Civil Service Union. Yes. They have their own statutorily registered union, the Association of Senior Civil Servants of Nigeria.
There are three Negotiating Councils in the Civil Service. The Senior Staff Association is the only union that solely constitutes the staff side of the Public Service Negotiating Council I. The Nigeria Civil Service Union is one of the unions that constitute the staff side of the Negotiating Council II. The Senior Staff Association is not an affiliate of the NLC. It is also very true. The on-going nation-wide action was not called by the NLC. It was called by the Joint Industrial Unions in the Public Service. The Senior Staff Association is part of that body. So far so good, our action is in order. Therefore if the SAN is convinced that we have broken the law, he, as the Chief Law Officer of the State, is challenged to head for Industrial Arbitration Panel or the National Industrial Court”.
I agree with Comrade Arije that no law prohibits members of the senior staff associations from striking by virtue of being in the senior staff category. Indeed, contrary to popular misconception, it is, arguably, possible for workers of all categories, including members of senior staff associations, to lawfully embark on strike (and for employers to lock out their employees) under the Trade Unions Act, in certain contexts.
With the use of the word, “unless”, under Section 31(6) of the Trade Unions Act, as amended, strikes and lock-outs are permitted in the following four or five listed situations – non-essential services sectors, disputes of right, fundamental breach of contract of employment or collective agreement, prior exhaustion of arbitration requirements in the Trade Disputes Act (TDA) and conduct of ballot in which a simple majority of all registered members voted to go on strike. The Trade Unions Act defines ‘disputes of right’ to mean any labour dispute arising from an existing right be it contained in a contract of employment or collective agreement or any other enactment or law governing matters relating to terms and conditions of employment.
In the last paragraph to Chapter 5, Comrade Arije reiterated his resolve not to betray the cause of the working class. According to him;
‘… what position he proclaimed in the day, he maintained in the night. The Lord be praised, who gave Comrade Oyekan Arije the uncommon grace to always resist the many temptations of nocturnal gifts of brief case loads of mint or brand new vehicles or the offer of very lucrative overseas trips, trainings, pilgrimages to influence him to compromise or weaken his principles/resolve and consequently betray the interest of the working class, whose cause the Lord placed in his hands to defend and champion’
Chapter 6 is entitled ‘Tribulations’ it spans through pages 11-142. It contains accounts of how Comrade Arije’s house and office were subjected to close surveillance by security agents by the then Nigerian Security Organsation (NSO), now called SSS/DSS; deprivation of promotion and attempts to deny him freedom of expression, even on union issues.
Chapter 7 (pages 14-169) is devoted to Arije’s ‘Foray into Partisan Politics’. In this chapter, Arije declares his ideological orientation to be socialism, as follows:
‘… had embraced socialism which was the hallmark of pro-east trade unionists. The trade union orientation and his proletarian inclinations made him to love the UPN for which party he voted in 1979, because of the social welfarist manifesto and drive of the party.’ (p. 144).
Comrade Arije is an advocate of the downtrodden forming political parties in opposition to parties of the ruling and oppressing class. In his words, he calls:
‘on the working class (labour movement) to form a political party to wrest political power from the politicians. … I called on the working class and their natural allies to take their destiny in their hands by participating as gladiators in the political governance of Nigeria. It is apposite to quote some excerpts from the two presentations.
- “………We are all witnesses to how the practising politicians have been plundering our national economy. Irrespective of party leaning, politicians are of a clan, especially when their pockets are We recall their unity of purpose when their salaries and allowances were being fixed. We recall their unity of purpose when nominations are being made for overseas jamborees. We recall their unity of purpose when scandals affecting them are being swept under the carpet. We recall their unity of purpose when issues beneficial to politicians are being debated……..
“……….There is a crying need for a change from a principle or system which allows absentee legislators, unpatriotic law and mace breakers who sign assembly attendance registers for weeks in advance, to fix their own salaries and allowances, thus becoming a judge in a case in which their interest is involved. They have failed the nation.
This leads us to the core messages of this address.
Nigerian workers should realize that their conditions of life are more important than the diversionary divisions created by politicians. Workers’ experience of hardship is the same, be he located in the North, South, East or West. Austerity measures affect all workers equally, be you a Hausa, Igbo, Yoruba, Fulani, Efik, Ilaje,Tiv etc. workers are advised to shun divisionist bourgeois politics.’ (p. 144-145).
However, whilst his dream for the emergence of a virile working class political party or parties has not been realized, Comrade Arije has striven to be politically active. This chapter shows that Comrade Arije had been an active member of the following parties: Labour party (1989), National Democratic Party (NDP) and the National Conscience Party, NCP. Indeed, he contested gubernatorial position in Ondo State on the platform of the NCP in 2003.
Chapter 8 is entitled ‘Foundation of commitment to communal cause’. In this chapter, the author explains that his witnessing a meeting of Egbe Omo Ilaje in June 1955 where donations were raised to fund the education of the youths motivated in him a sense of public interest and commitment to public interest matters:
‘The participants announced generous donations for the funding of scholarships to brilliant Ilaje students. The opportunity to observe the proceeding kindled the fire and spirit of patriotism towards my native Ilaje nation and service to the weak and less privileged at a very tender age in my life.’ (page 170).
The author went further:
‘From the hind-sight of the Glover Memorial hall experience, I appreciated the value of the coming together of communities to socialize and collectively pursue the interest of their native nation. The spirit made me team up with some other Ilaje citizens to form the Ibadan branch of Egbe Omo Ilaje in 1968. I also joined Okitipupa Divisional Union (ODU) Ibadan branch.’
Chapters 9-14 are concerned about Ilaje development issues and efforts at resisting marginalization. This is clear from Chapter 9 (pp. 171-174) which is devoted to ‘Rejection of the inclusion of Atijere in a proposed Ijebu State’. Atijere Community belongs to Ilaje/Ese Odo Local Government Area of Ondo State. Chapter 10 is equally devoted to ‘Okitipupa Division people reject inclusion in the proposed Ijebu or Coastal State’ (p. 175).
Chapter 11 (pp. 176-186) focuses on justifying the need for the ‘Creation of Ilaje West Local Government’, whih was realized on 4th December 1996 with Igbokoda named as the capital of the new local government.
Chapter 12 (pp. 187-19) is devoted to ‘The frustration of the actualization of Ilaje West Local Government’.
Chapter 13 (pp. 194-229) focuses on ‘The marginalization of the Ilaje people’ in terms of neglect as far as appointment to high political offices and other legislative offices are concerned.
Chapter 14 (pp. 230-268) is about concerns over ‘Equitable political representation in Ilajeland’. These concerns are about ‘arbitrary and inequitable reduction of the number of wards and polling units in Mahin and Aheri areas of Ilaje Local Government of Ondo State’.
It would appear to me that the post-trade union activism of Comrade Arije is responsible for concentration of his time and energies on communal or Ilaje nationality issues. Important as these issues are, they are issues of development which can be taken care of with the political empowerment of the working class in an alliance with other oppressed classes under the leadership or banner of proletarian socialist programme. We wish to see our own Arije continuing to be the voice of all marginalized and oppressed people rather than being the champion of ‘Ilaje people’, comprising the haves of Ilaje who monopolise the wealth of society along with the other haves of other nationalities at the expense of the have-nots of Ilaje and other have nots in other nationalities.
One thing that is comforting is that in all his agitations, Arije has never shown his agitations are for his personal benefits. Beyond this however, I am convinced that greater achievements would be recorded if the labour movement had found ways to continue to engage people like Arije in building the working class political muzzle than a concentration on being an advocate of a nationality, the Ilaje nationality.
Chapter 15 of the book (pp. 269-281) is a well researched work on the ‘Ilaje/ijaw conflict’. Indeed, any government seeking solution to the crisis would do well to consult comrade Arije and his book which contains materials gathered by a direct participant in the conflicts.
This book eloquently demonstrates that Comrade Arije is totally a man of peace. This is reflected on pages 270-271 of the book where it is recorded that:
“In February, 2001 a federal government delegation led by Major General. David Medayese Jemibewon met the Ilaje and Ijaw teams jointly. It was customary that at such meetings that both teams sat apart. I suggested to the Chairmen of both Local Governments, Chief Debo Ajimuda for Ilaje, and Chief F.K. Ajih for Ijaw (Ese-Odo) that both ethnic groups intermix in the sitting arrangement and that they speak through one spokesman for the two groups, to prove that hostilities were over and that Government should contribute to cement the relations. The advice was accepted by both sides. I was unanimously picked as the spokesman. I left the government in no doubt that both neighbours had agreed to embrace peace. I highlighted the desire of both parties and concluded by inviting the federal and state governments to rehabilitate the displaced persons on both sides and reconstruct the ruins of war on both sides. The federal government delegation and the state government (particularly, the federal) did not take any worthwhile action to help to advance the reconciliation.”
On page 272 of the book, Comrade Arije appears to have aptly identified the root cause of the Ijaw/Ilaje conflicts, as follows:
“The problem confronting the Niger Delta region and its people today is the question of development: physical development of its wetlands interspersed between rivers and creeks, which makes the linkage of its several communities difficult. It is, however, not impossible to construct roads to link these communities. The attitude of government, federal and Niger Delta States, has always been the assumption that on account of the relative high costs of implementing such projects, it was preferred not to even think of possible road development in the area. The attendant problem created by this long and inhuman neglect is the inaccessibility of the area for any meaningful development that is now providing havens for ill-thought guerrilla insurgency, which seems almost beyond the capacity of government and law enforcement agents to contain.”
Flowing from the identified problem, I humbly propose that a programme around the identified neglect, a programme of action against corruption, a programme of action against pervasive poverty, advocacy for job creation by the state, opposition to sale of public assets, etc, may be more productive and uniting rather than being a champion of either of the combatant nationalities. This takes me back to my earlier proposition that our own Arije would be more useful in helping to harness the energies of the working class on a national scale such that the issues of ethnic conflicts are undermined through collective mass actions from below against misgovernance, hunger, diseases, education, provision of basic amenities, jobs, etc.
Chapters 16 and 18 of the book powerfully show that on the basis of economic resources, particularly land and oil, the problem of Ijaw/Ilaje conflicts also exists within the ilaje nationality. Chapter 16 is on ‘Oil Politics’. It consists of the subsections:
‘Intervention of Egbe Omo ilaje in the dispute between Ugbo community and Prince Adebanjo Edema’. Thus, this subsection is nothing but a reflection of conflict between Ugbo Community and Mahin community as Edema is of Mahin extraction. The book records on page 282 that “Claiming the sole right to all oil mineral benefits, the Ugbo section of Ilaje led by the then Olugbo of Ugbo, Oba Adebanjo Mafimisebi, mounted a strong opposition to the person of Prince Edema.”
Other subsections under Chapter 16 are as follows:
‘Recognition of Mahin communities as host to oil companies operating offshore Ondo \state’, and ‘Presentation of the plight of Mahin people during the tenure of Governor Olusegun Mimiko’.
Chapter 17 is devoted to ‘Succession to the throne of Amapetu of Mahin after the demise of Oba Olalajulo Isogun’. This chapter reflects the enormous influence of Arije in resolving the conflict associated with succession to the throne of Amapetu.
Chapter 18 is devoted to ‘Challenge to the expansionist moves of the Olugbo of Ugbo’. The first paragraph of this Chapter succinctly shows that even within the Ilaje nationality, there is resource-induced conflict. Arije writes as follows:
“At a stage during his reign, the then Olugbo of Ugbo, Oba Adebanjo Mafimisebi IV, arrogated to himself, the unauthorized tittle of Olugbo of Ilaje land. … It was also a possibility that he assumed the title to fool the oil companies to give the errorneous impression that he was the sovereign king of the entire Ilaje nation. He used the title on his palace letter headed paper and the number plates of his motor vehicles and speed boat.” (p. 345).
Chapter 19 is entitled ‘A courageous multitalented crusader’ This chapter documents various positions held by the author in several organisations and makes reference to certain other interventions of Arije. It also contains the views of the author on topics like education and politics.
Chapter 20 is entitled ‘Killing a rat with a machine gun’. It is mainly an analysis of how the author was prematurely retired. Even where the initial criteria for rationalization did not bring Arije within the scope of those affected, the criteria were reviewed to be sure that he was retired at all costs and by all means. That was in 1993. It is perhaps apposite to hear from the author directly:
“In the desperation to deal with Comrade Oyekan Arije, Ondo State Government in March, 1993 secretely set out criteria for the rationalization of public servants in the state. The four major criteria for carrying out the exercise were:
- Officers who have put in thirty years service;
- Officers who have attained the age of fifty five years;
- Officers who have bad service records; and
- Officers who have poor health
The Commissioners and Directors-General were directed to compile the required list in the ministries and extra-ministerial departments, whilst the Chairmen/Accounting Officers were to carry out the compilation in the Boards and Parastatals. When the lists were compiled, Oyekan Arije was not caught in the net. He had put in twenty nine years service. His recorded age was fifty two years. He did not have a bad service record. He had no poor health record, either. When the fact came to light that Oyekan was not affected, an aspect of the criteria was amended. The age aspect was lowered to age fifty years. The union leader was subsequently entrapped. The rationalization was a vengeful exercise to get Oyekan Arije out from the service” (p. 379).
Arije was prematurely retired at a critical point of penury. He writes: “As at Monday 21st June, 1993 when my retirement letter was delivered to me, I had less than two hundred naira. Yet I had a family of eight to cater for. All the six children were still in the schools.”
However, Arije referring to himself as a “rat” shows that he does not really appreciate how the ruling class dreads a principled leader who cannot be compromised by the trappings of money and position. In this context, Arije is definitely not a rat but a giant in the struggles of the oppressed for emancipation from economic want and political exclusion.
Chapter 21 is entitled ‘The proverbial rejected stone’.
This chapter is a record of several political appointments he got by which he was able to survive the storms of life post premature retirement. The appointments include:
1994: he was appointed as a member of a three-man Ondo State Oil Mineral Fund Advisory Committee
1997: The administration of Navy Commander Anthony Ibe Onyearugbulem appointed him as member of a three-man consortium to revise/review the Ondo state Public Service Regulatory Books, namely:
- General Orders;
- Financial Instructions;
- Civil Service Commission Regulations; and
- Judicial Service Commission
1999: Governor Adefarati appointed him as a member of the Justice Babatunde Adejumo Judicial Commission of Inquiry into Ondo State Afforestation Project.
15th September, 1999: He was appointed as a member of the reconstituted Ondo State Civil Service Commission (by Chief Adefarati).
2004: the two trade union centres in Nigeria (the NLC and TUC) jointly celebrated the year’s May Day in Ondo State and jointly conferred on him the award of Pillar of Labour.
Addenda:
Apart from the chapters, the author includes some four (4) addenda, consisting of text of press conferences addressed either by the author or the traditional rulers or texts of statements by Ilaje community addressed to public functionaries.
While those texts may constitute powerful sources of pressure on the powers that be, I am concerned that they may give a wrong impression to younger generations of activists, forming the impression that solution to socio-economic development issues lies with the ruling class. The life experiences of the author and several of us may have shown that the contrary is true. The ruling class in Nigeria constitutes the problem to development. The earlier the oppressed strata realized this, the better for all of us.
The key strength of comrade Arije’s book lies in portraying a personality that consciously made up his mind very early in life where he stands between justice and injustice, between shakles & freedom, between the status quo and Change, between the oppressed and the oppressor, between light and darkness, between hope & despondency, between taking a position and remaining indifferent.
To me, this book rings echoes of freedom.
Please permit me to, on behalf of all of us, thank this Irrepressible, incorruptible, courageous and outspoken trade union activist & Pastor, a forthright and fearless social critic, the defender of the weak, an invaluable illumination for present and coming generations, a selfless leader, an arrowhead of the Nigerian labour movement, the pillar of the labour movment, the fisherman and the fisher of men and women for a new world!
I thank you for your attention.
Femi Aborisade, Esq.
13th December 2018.
